There has been evidence of direct payments to Joe Biden from his son, Hunter, though this family is way ahead of the game vis-à-vis explaining these expenditures. The ‘it was a car loan payment’ is the latest the liberal media is taking as gospel, despite the numerous red flags raised about the family’s financial deeds. There have been over 170 suspicious activity alerts for the Biden family, but they can still open and have functioning bank accounts. Any other American would have had their accounts frozen and an investigation pending, but not the Bidens. It’s amazing what you can do when a family member runs the Department of Justice.
For now, there are kernels of potential impropriety. Still, it forms another dot that will be connected, exposing the elaborate and complex multi-layered bribery operation spearheaded by this clan. It’s a slow burn that the Left would like to forget, but something new always bubbles up. Remember, the reported scheme is that Joe Biden’s hands are in many honey pots, where resources are spread out among other family members and their shell corporations, like the dozen or so that were established to funnel monies from Romanian officials.
Joe Biden’s brother, James, could find himself thrust into the spotlight, courtesy of the FBI, who taped him in an unrelated bribery probe of a trial lawyer who solicited James’ services from the consulting firm he ran over a tobacco deal. He went to James with $100,000 because he was Joe Biden’s brother (via WaPo):
Richard “Dickie” Scruggs, a famed Mississippi trial attorney, was tantalizingly close to a historic deal to force tobacco companies to pay billions of dollars — but there was one last hurdle. A divided Congress had to sign off. And Scruggs had identified one of the most skeptical senators, Joe Biden, as a key to winning the vote.
Scruggs turned to Biden’s younger brother James, an old acquaintance who ran a D.C. consulting firm with his wife, Sara.
Scruggs paid the firm $100,000 in 1998 for advice on passing the bill, Scruggs said in an interview at his office here — the first time he has disclosed the amount.
“I probably wouldn’t have hired him if he wasn’t the senator’s brother,” Scruggs said.
Biden eventually backed the bill, which ultimately failed to pass Congress.
“Jim was never untoward about his influence,” Scruggs said. “He didn’t brag about it or talk about it. He didn’t have to. He was the man’s brother.”
Scruggs’s deal with James Biden highlights how President Biden’s brother has for decades benefited financially from his proximity to his powerful sibling, a relationship that is newly relevant today as congressional Republicans investigate whether President Biden assisted his family members’ business deals. During Joe Biden’s 36 years in the Senate, eight years as vice president and now three years as president, James Biden’s private business work — as a consultant for hire and behind-the-scenes political fixer — has often intersected with his brother’s public responsibilities.
The deal with Lion Hall [James’ firm] also illuminates the Bidens’ decades-long relationship with Scruggs, once one of the country’s most powerful trial lawyers, who made his fortune taking on corporate interests and making friends in politics. Scruggs took James Biden on a boat trip while discussing a potential partnership on asbestos lawsuits; flew Joe Biden on his private plane to a fundraiser; and met with Biden family members at a University of Mississippi football game, Scruggs and his associates said in interviews.
But James and Sara Biden’s ties to Scruggs also later brought them to the periphery of a sweeping federal investigation, one that eventually led to the trial lawyer’s epic downfall in 2008 over a bribery scheme.
As FBI agents circled in on Scruggs and his associates over a plan to deliver $40,000 in bribes to a local judge, they also secretly recorded conversations with James Biden — who, at the same time, was trying to create a consulting firm with the Scruggs partners. Neither James Biden nor his brother was charged or accused of wrongdoing in the case, which led to prison for Scruggs and several of his associates, including James Biden’s would-be partners.
Much of the material related to James Biden in the Mississippi case is not available in court files, but the recordings, transcripts and other material were collected by Curtis Wilkie, who wrote a 2010 book about Scruggs, “The Fall of the House of Zeus,” which reported a number of details about the Biden connections. Wilkie granted permission for The Post to review his archives at the University of Mississippi, including FBI recordings of James Biden. In addition, The Post reviewed thousands of pages of court records and other material and interviewed key participants.
What emerges is a tale of money, politics and influence, stretching from Mississippi to the corridors of power in Washington, one that has echoes of a legal thriller by John Grisham — who, like the novelist William Faulkner, once lived in Oxford. It is, at its heart, a tale of the bond between the Biden brothers — one that is now being tested anew amid a flurry of subpoenas issued by Republican lawmakers.
Yes, Republicans want to talk to James and his wife, Sara, about the intricacies of their consulting firm and its proximity to Joe Biden. It’s similar to what happened with former Hunter Biden associate Devon Archer, who admitted that what the Bidens do is a form of influence peddling.
Mykola Zlochevsky, the co-founder of Burisma, the Ukrainian company where Hunter sat on its board at $50,000/month, claims to have phone recordings of Hunter and Joe Biden concerning a $10 million bribe he paid to the family. This information is based on a confidential human source whose details were filed in an FD-1023 report that the FBI initially refused to release. Why? We later learned that some 40 confidential human sources were feeding federal agents about the dealings of the Biden family.
The Bidens have put up this veneer of being a wholesome family with a compassionate, grandfather-like figure serving at the head of the table. They’re law-abiding civil servants, but we know who they are. Like the IDF clearing out Hamas terror tunnels, the scale of Biden’s corruption is intricate. It runs deep. Will it end in an impeachment? We’ll see, but no one who isn’t a clown can argue that an inquiry into the president isn’t unwarranted.